A group including some Girondins prepared a draft constitution known as the Girondin constitutional project, which was presented to the National Convention in early 1793. 2012-2020 L’ARBR- Les Amis de Robespierre

She helped her husband escape, but she was executed on 8 November 1793. Qu'était la Terreur pendant la Révolution française ? De même, les Girondins rassemblaient un panel de tendances politiques distinctes, unis toutefois par des origines bourgeoises et provinciales. Ils étaient donc favorables à un libéralisme sans entraves, la régulation étant abandonnée au « marché ». At that time Robespierre had argued almost alone against the war that Brissot passionately advocated. La loi était donc pour eux centralisée (légicentrisme), mais ils défendaient et pratiquaient une administration décentralisée, confiant l’exécution des lois aux comités révolutionnaires (ou de surveillance) élus localement et aux municipalités, donc à l’échelon le plus proche de la population (loi du 14 frimaire an II).
Et vous confondez bien trop souvent Jacobin et Montagnard, ce qui n'est absolument pas synonyme au début de la Révolution. They campaigned for the end of the monarchy, but then resisted the spiraling momentum of the Revolution, which caused a conflict with the more radical Montagnards. Partisans du suffrage universel, ils reconnaissent également au peuple le droit de résistance à l’oppression, c’est-à-dire le droit à l’insurrection quand le gouvernement viole ses droits (Constitution de 1793). Girondins did not share the ferocious fanaticism or the ruthless opportunism of the future Montagnard organisers of the Reign of Terror. Merci pour votre inscription.Heureux de vous compter parmi nos lecteurs ! They did not intend to overthrow the republic or separate from it. They dominated the movement until their fall in the insurrection of 31 May – 2 June 1793, which resulted in the domination of the Montagnards and the purge and mass execution of the Girondins. Purged of the Girondins, the Convention itself was able to reach consensus more readily, but the nation as a whole was more divided than ever. Roland says her mother's death was the impetus for her "odyssey from virtuous daughter to revolutionary heroine" as it introduced her to death and sacrifice – with the ultimate sacrifice of her own life for her political beliefs.
The Girondins began as followers of the Jacobin orator Jacques Brissot. Uprisings in Lyon and Marseille (France’s second and third largest cities, respectively) began in late May when moderates seized power from local Jacobin authorities who had threatened their lives and property—Jacobins such as the firebrand Marie-Joseph Chalier in Lyon, who was supported by Montagnard representatives-on-mission. Pendant la Révolution française, à la fin de l'année 1791, un débat s'ouvre au club des Jacobins sur l'opportunité d'une guerre contre les « despotes » européens. In fact, most were moderate republicans hostile to the royalists and committed to constitutional liberties. Aux yeux des Girondins, seule était légitime la domination des élites, c’est-à-dire des possédants, sur la vie politique. Conversely, provincial opinion might have rebelled against this mutilation of the National Convention by Paris and its Montagnard partisans. The verdict was a foregone conclusion.

Pour lui, le droit de propriété était donc borné, comme tous les autres, par l’obligation de respecter le droit d’autrui, en particulier le droit à l’existence (voir son projet de constitution). 1. “Lyon has made war against liberty,” declared the Convention, “Lyon no longer exists.” When the republic’s forces recaptured the city in October, they changed its name to “Liberated City,” demolished the houses of the wealthy, and summarily executed more than 2,000 Lyonnais, including many wealthy merchants. The Mountain was strengthened by the accession of a significant ally whose one idea was to use his new power to avenge himself on his former colleagues.

Marat never ceased his denunciations of the faction by which France was being betrayed to her ruin and his cry of Nous sommes trahis!

The party cohesion they possessed was connected to the energy of Brissot, who came to be regarded as their mouthpiece in the Assembly and in the Jacobin Club, hence the name "Brissotins" for his followers. Par contre, les Montagnards ont une conception très démocratique et plus égalitaire de la société. A list drawn up by the Commandant-General of the Parisian National Guard François Hanriot (with help from Marat) and endorsed by a decree of the intimidated Convention, included 22 Girondin deputies and 10 of the 12 members of the Commission of Twelve, who were ordered to be detained at their lodgings "under the safeguard of the people". [4] The term became standard with Alphonse de Lamartine's History of the Girondins in 1847.[6].

against the monarchy), was considerably more "advanced" than the moderate royalism of the majority of the Parisian deputies. A group of deputies from elsewhere became associated with these views, most notably the Marquis de Condorcet, Claude Fauchet, Marc David Lasource, Maximin Isnard, the Comte de Kersaint, Henri Larivière and above all Jacques Pierre Brissot, Jean Marie Roland and Jérôme Pétion, who was elected mayor of Paris in succession to Jean Sylvain Bailly on 16 November 1791. Durant son procès, ils se prononcent très majoritairement pour la mort. Si l’on veut établir une comparaison entre le groupe des Girondins et celui des Montagnards à la Convention, on ne peut les caractériser par leurs origines sociales qui sont très proches (petite et moyenne bourgeoisie, professions libérales, quelques nobles de robe), de même que leur formation (collèges de jésuites ou d’oratoriens).

A l’inverse, les Montagnards, démocrates de la première heure, étaient favorables à l’égalité politique et au suffrage universel. Moreover, the Septembriseurs (the supporters of the September Massacres such as Robespierre, Danton, Marat and their lesser allies) realised that not only their influence but their safety depended on keeping the Revolution alive.